So today, we speak the names of those who were the victims of the most extreme forms of white supremacy.
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Whites throughout the South continued to believe that they were entitled to free Black labor, and had no problem using violence to get their way. This is because a slaveholder mentality persisted. The story of American slavery does not end with the ratification of the 13th Amendment, but continues into the next century and beyond. Even today, violence is at the heart of the most common forms of un-freedom, such as mass incarceration. And violence, which had been the cornerstone of slavery, continued to be the cornerstone of these new forms of slavery such as sharecropping and convict-leasing. Indeed, for a century after the end of the Civil War, the pattern and practice of exploiting Black labor to generate white wealth, which had been at the heart of the institution of slavery, continued unabated, albeit in new forms.
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The story of the persistence of racial terror. Both the marker and the memorial tell a crucial part of the story of Black life in the century after emancipation. The Elmore Bolling marker is less than a half-hour's drive from the newly-unveiled National Memorial for Peace and Justice in Montgomery, Alabama, which is dedicated to the victims of racial terror in America. This led her on a journey of discovery that culminated in her family dedicating a plaque at the site of her father's murder that documents his death as well as his life.
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And when she read my dissertation, she reached out for a copy of the NAACP report that I had found.
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In her retirement though, she decided to discover the truth. Her family never spoke of the killing, so she grew up not knowing what had happened. And that her only memory of him was seeing him shot dead. McCall explained, she was only three years old when her father was murdered. And a friend of hers who knew she was looking into the death of her father, shared my work with her. Apparently, copies of my dissertation had been floating around Lowndes County like some kind of underground mixtape. Jo McCall, the daughter of Elmore Bolling, who wrote to thank me for my research. Several years after I finished the dissertation, I received an email from Mrs. I also promised a local grassroots activist that I would send her a copy of the dissertation when I was done. So I swore that I would not only identify in my dissertation, the victims of racial terror in Lowndes County so that people would have to say their names, but I would also identify their murderers, so their names would be said, too. No one wore a mask when they killed Black people in Lowndes County.
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I discovered these lynchings while conducting research for my dissertation about the civil rights movement in Lowndes County, and I was struck by the fact that none of the white people who had committed these atrocities hid their identities. The brother Will and Jesse Powell in 1917. The lynching of Elmore Bolling was neither the first nor the last that occurred in Lowndes County during the century after emancipation. They found that Bolling was simply, and I quote, "Too prosperous as a Negro farmer." An NAACP report documenting the lynching described Bolling's body as having been "Riddled by shotgun and pistol shots." Clarke Luckie, one of Bolling's white neighbors admitted publicly to having orchestrated the murder, and justified his actions by claiming that Bolling had insulted his wife over the telephone.īut NAACP investigators uncovered the truth behind the killing. Hasan Kwame Jeffries: On December 4, 1947, Elmore Bolling, a 30-year-old Black businessman in Lowndes County, Alabama, was murdered in cold blood near his home.